OPINION
VICTORIAHATTERSLEY
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No consensus on Russia As the Ukraine conflict carries on, Western powers seem unable to reach an agreement on how to deal with Vladimir Putin’s expansionist ambitions.
T
he announcement that the British Museum has loaned part of the Parthenon marbles to a Russian museum has caused consternation in some quarters. The headless statue of Greek river-god Ilissos is now on display at the State Hermitage Museum in St Petersburg. After all, relations between Russia and the West have been frosty to say the least in the wake of Russia’s invasion of eastern Ukraine earlier this year and the shooting down of Malaysia Airlines flight MH17 in July. Why then, argue some spoilsports, should the UK be seen in any way to endorse the Russian regime? Is the message that all of this is OK as long as we are sharing our headless artefacts? The British Museum’s rejoinder is that they “have always believed that such loans must continue between museums in spite of political disagreements between governments.” One thing is clear, at any rate – the Greeks can’t have them back. And here is one of the ironies: The marbles are only in their present home because Lord Elgin, the British ambassador to the Ottoman Empire, swiped them from the Parthenon in Athens in the 19th Century. Understandably, the Greek government would prefer it if they were returned. Historically, Russia is by no means alone in its snatch and grab approach – whether the target is priceless statues or entire countries. But then perhaps this is only fitting: the mixed messages inherent in this smaller issue seem merely to be a reflection of western Europe’s attitude towards the Russian problem in general. There appears to be no clear consensus on how to deal with president Vladimir Putin and his land-grabbing tendencies.
Differing approaches For example, German chancellor Angela Merkel recently offered a blistering criticism of Putin, accusing him of interfering in the domestic affairs of Balkan states looking to
form closer ties to the EU. He was, she said, “creating problems” in Moldova and Georgia. When asked by Die Welt am Sonntag newspaper about the possibility of war between Russia and the West over the Baltic states – in recent weeks we have seen ‘unprecedented’ Russian naval and air force activity in the Baltic Sea region – her reply was: “The question of war in the Baltic States does not arise.” Although she went on to add: “Nevertheless, Article 5 of the Nato Treaty, that is the obligation of mutual support, applies to all allies.” This no-nonsense attitude is in contrast to that of France, whose President Francois Hollande recently made an unannounced stop in Moscow for a two-hour meeting with Mr Putin to discuss the Ukraine crisis. (Curiously, Mr Hollande, as though to further emphasise the casual nature of the encounter, described it thusly: “I was just flying over Moscow when I decided to make a stop here.” As one does.) It is unclear what lurks behind this lack of agreement on how to deal with Mr Putin. Perhaps France is sheepish about the two warships it has so far failed to deliver to Moscow, having been under pressure from its western allies to cancel the contract (although it has yet to do so). After the meeting Mr Putin indicated that the bear’s fur would not be unduly ruffled if France refused to hand over the ships, as long as the money already paid was returned. And meanwhile the conflict in Ukraine rumbles on, where more than 4300 have died since last spring. There is also a question mark over how well its economy is likely to hold up. The International Monetary Fund has identified a $15bn shortfall in its bailout for the war-torn country and has warned western governments that the gap needs to be filled within weeks or it risks financial collapse. Muddying the waters still further is the fact that Wolfgang Schäuble, the German finance minister, said recently he had called on his Russian counterpart, Anton Siluanov, to
ask him to roll over a $3bn loan the Kremlin made to Kiev last year. UK finance minister George Osborne was probably not alone in expressing surprise at the EU asking for help from Russia whilst simultaneously sanctioning the Kremlin over the Ukraine. Look at this tangle of thorns, indeed.
Far-right links Just as disturbing is Russia’s move towards cultivating links with the far right in Europe. For example, the founder of France’s Front National (FN), Jean-Marie Le Pen, borrowed €2m from a Cyprus-based company, Veronisa Holdings, owned by one Yuri Kudimov. And who is Kudimov? A former KGB agent, now banker, with close links to the Kremlin – that’s who. More recently, the FN also confirmed it had taken a huge €9.4 million loan from the First Czech Russian bank in Moscow. Elsewhere, Putin continues to pitch his woo in eastern Europe. Since as far back as 2009, Russia has been establishing ties with Slovakia’s far-right People’s party, Bulgaria’s nationalist, anti-EU Attack movement and Hungary’s radical nationalist Jobbik party. It is perhaps convenient for Mr Putin that he is also able to take advantage of a rising wave of anti-immigration sentiment throughout western Europe. UK Prime Minister David Cameron’s talk of imposing ‘emergency brakes’ on the number of EU migrants moving to Britain and recent anti-Muslim protests across Germany may well have had the Russian premier rubbing his hands together with glee. Is it the case that Mr Putin is in fact stealing a more insidious march on Europe whilst its major powers look the other way? Yes, the Russian economy isn’t looking healthy just now what with falling oil prices and the effect of European sanctions, but it is by no means beaten. Time will tell. Europe hasn’t lost its marbles over Russia yet, but it may want to be careful as to whom it lends them out. n Industry Europe 3
