REVOLUTIONARY SOCIAL CHANGE IN COLOMBIA - FARC

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REVOLUTIONARY SOCIAL CHANGE IN COLOMBIA THE REACTIONARY FORMATION OF THE MAS AND ACDEGAM

The early 1980s saw an immense interwoven web of support for another paramilitary force that emerged in Colombia. At the end of 1981 and through the early months of 1982, members of Medellín’s thriving drug cartel, the military, Texas Petroleum, numerous political representatives, and several cattle ranchers from the Puerto Boyacá region came together and “created an armed organization to defend their interests and deter guerrilla attacks and extortions” (Richani, 2002a: 38). Labor researcher and unionist Francisco Cellular Ramírez (2005: 68) cited paramilitary chief Black Vladimir’s account of the historic meetings in the department of Boyacá, where “representatives of the Texas Petroleum Company in addition to ranchers, mafiosos and small industrialists” collaborated to cover expenses needed to train paramilitary forces using “U.S., Israeli and English mercenaries.” The Medellín cartel helped fund the paramilitary’s formation, alongside army officers, large cattle ranchers, and numerous landowners from the Magdalena Medio region, which included Pablo Escobar, Jorge Luis Ochoa, and González Rodríguez Gacha (Livingstone, 2003: 133; see also Caballero, 2006; Kline, 1999: 68). Strategically, military personnel worked to convince dominant class sectors (and US-based MNCs) to create this “independent” paramilitary organization in regions of interest so as to target the sociopolitical networks of the guerrillas (Dudley, 2004: 42). By 1982 the force was coordinated, and aptly named Death to Kidnappers (Muerte de Sequestradores, MAS). After the MAS’s inception, the same partners created an organization to exist alongside yet appear separate from the paramilitaries. This association would facilitate the collection of funds and subsequently forward capital to the newly constructed death squads, while using far-right populism to bait peasants to support their endeavours.17 Shortly after the formation of the MAS, the Association of Peasants and Ranchers of the Middle Magdalena (Asociación Campesina de Agricultores y Ganaderos del Magdalena Medio, ACDEGAM) was constructed (Kline, 1999: 68). In 1984 a new organization, the Association of Peasants and Ranchers of the Magdalena Medio (ACDEGAM), was created to give the paramilitary and self-defense groups legal cover .… It took responsibility for the political and military defense of the region and gave socioeconomic assistance to the peasants who supported it. The campaign against “subversion” reached new heights when ACDEGAM started to eliminate trade unionists (from, for example, the Nare cement works), peasant organizers and even dissidents from the Liberal Party. [President] Belisario Betancur himself visited the region in 1985 (at the invitation of Luis Alfredo Rubio Rojas, Pablo Guarín and the president of ACDEGAM) and highly praised the people of the Magdalena Medio, particularly General Yanine Díez, for restoring peace. (Pearce, 1990a: 247) In the early and mid-1980s, the ACDEGAM worked hard to legitimize reaction to the threat of communism via insurgents. With its far-right rhetoric


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Articles inside

Bibliography

1hr
pages 298-346

Index

19min
pages 347-353

Notes

2hr
pages 253-297

Between a rock and a hard place: the realities of contemporary global capitalism

8min
pages 249-252

A stick with no carrot: supporting revolutionary alliances

2min
page 248

A potential for collapse

14min
pages 242-247

The FARC-EP’s aptitude to take state power: The DIA bombshell

9min
pages 238-241

elections, 1970–86 (UP–1986

25min
pages 226-236

7.1 The percentage of women in the FARC-EP since 1964

18min
pages 212-219

7.3 MBNC (PCCC) model of political organization

1min
page 237

in selected Latin American countries

7min
pages 223-225

How the FARC-EP has affected politics

7min
pages 220-222

How the FARC-EP has affected culture

17min
pages 205-211

The media’s structural silencing of Colombia’s revolution

11min
pages 186-190

since 1958

4min
pages 184-185

JACs and political pacification

13min
pages 178-183

to revolutionary community-based institution

4min
pages 176-177

The FARC-EP’s contestation of urban-centric power theories The transformation of JAC: from pacifying state mechanism

5min
pages 174-175

The AUC’s structural connection to coca

4min
pages 161-162

US links to Colombia’s narcotic political economy and paramilitarism

7min
pages 158-160

The role and relation of the coca industry to the paramilitary and guerrillas

9min
pages 154-157

violations against non-combatants in Colombia

8min
pages 150-153

Colombian fascism in action

4min
pages 148-149

1980s

4min
pages 146-147

narcobourgeoisie, and the AUC

4min
pages 144-145

The AUC: An appendage of Colombian fascism The historic interconnections between land, the

4min
pages 142-143

The MAS/ACCU partnership and the manifestation of fascism via the AUC

2min
page 141

The MAS/ACDEGAM’s formation of MORENA

4min
pages 139-140

The reactionary formation of the MAS and ACDEGAM

4min
pages 137-138

Colombian economy

6min
pages 103-105

The Castaño connection

4min
pages 135-136

4.4 Incremental leaps in inequitable income distribution

4min
pages 101-102

Colombia in 1960

14min
pages 89-94

Colombia

4min
pages 95-96

percentages

2min
page 99

state power and revolutionary social change

3min
pages 78-79

4.2 A quarter-century of Colombian Gini coefficients

4min
pages 97-98

The potential for dual power in Colombia

2min
page 77

Colombia

11min
pages 72-76

The FARC-EP as a unique Marxist social movement

16min
pages 59-66

Becoming the people’s army: The evolution of the FARC(-EP

4min
pages 42-43

1 Class-based taxation model employed by the FARC-EP 101

2min
page 22

2.4 The FARC-EP’s interlinking support and solidarity structure

13min
pages 53-58

geography

2min
pages 35-36

with a conventional armed forces structure

4min
pages 45-46

extension, late 1950s to mid-1960s

15min
pages 26-32

1 Varying approaches toward (and outcomes from) the taking of

2min
page 20

An evaluation of civilian support for the FARC-EP

14min
pages 47-52
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