REVOLUTIONARY SOCIAL CHANGE IN COLOMBIA - FARC

Page 176

THE FARC-EP’S RELATION TO SOCIAL CHANGE

159

‘modernization from below’ is evidenced by peasant/rural worker demands for technical assistance, credit, infrastructure and marketing. These demands are associated with raising production and acquiring market shares, obviously associated with modernization, albeit in capitalist form. Today the issue of agrarian reform is not a simple replay of traditional demands of ‘land for the tiller,’ counter posed to capitalist modernization associated with large-scale corporate export farming. It is an alternative modernization strategy built around modern social classes. Peasants/rural workers or at least their cadres/ leaders view land distribution as only the first step in an agrarian reform. Thus the conception of “the peasant” or “landless workers” today is vastly different from past images of atomized subsistence farmers, relying solely on traditional farming know-how and barely aware of markets, alternative cropping, non-traditional marketable crops and resistance to technological innovation. It is precisely the emergence of a different peasantry and rural workers, with modern attitudes and with positive attitudes toward the possibility of significant, even transformative, change, that accounts for the resistance to being displaced or ‘proletarianized’ (more likely joining the urban reserve army of unemployed). (Petras, 2003: 92–4, italics added) Numerous historic and contemporary examples are available to demonstrate how an “urban-centric conception of power” is a fallacy. The FARC-EP exemplifies how “rural movements can reverse urban and external flows of influence and exercise hegemony on a national basis” (Petras, 2003: 93). In regions of FARC-EP control a pre-revolutionary dynamism has introduced new forms of development outside metropolitan capital systems (see Richani, 2002a: 66, 71). Through this process, the insurgency’s political and military capacity, has, on multiple occasions and at specific times, demonstrated a domestic and international threat to national capitalist hegemony. From this it can be understood that the FARC-EP’s support and sustained position in the countryside is not a demonstration of pre-modern conditions but rather a clear presentation of the insurgency’s unique political and ideological framework within modernity itself. Again, the FARC-EP attempts to create a “war of position” not by taking centralized power but through an organized ongoing consolidation of newly revolutionized socio-geographical environments across rural Colombia. It is important to demonstrate how this has occurred, so I offer an analysis of one counter-hegemonic strategy where a once state-based mechanism, shaped to co-opt the peasantry and rural populations, was transformed into a pre-revolutionary medium of grassroots power. THE TRANSFORMATION OF JAC: FROM PACIFYING STATE MECHANISM TO REVOLUTIONARY COMMUNITY-BASED INSTITUTION The 1950s and 1960s saw a class structure in rural Colombia ripe for political organizing because of the disparities in ownership of capital and land.


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Articles inside

Bibliography

1hr
pages 298-346

Index

19min
pages 347-353

Notes

2hr
pages 253-297

Between a rock and a hard place: the realities of contemporary global capitalism

8min
pages 249-252

A stick with no carrot: supporting revolutionary alliances

2min
page 248

A potential for collapse

14min
pages 242-247

The FARC-EP’s aptitude to take state power: The DIA bombshell

9min
pages 238-241

elections, 1970–86 (UP–1986

25min
pages 226-236

7.1 The percentage of women in the FARC-EP since 1964

18min
pages 212-219

7.3 MBNC (PCCC) model of political organization

1min
page 237

in selected Latin American countries

7min
pages 223-225

How the FARC-EP has affected politics

7min
pages 220-222

How the FARC-EP has affected culture

17min
pages 205-211

The media’s structural silencing of Colombia’s revolution

11min
pages 186-190

since 1958

4min
pages 184-185

JACs and political pacification

13min
pages 178-183

to revolutionary community-based institution

4min
pages 176-177

The FARC-EP’s contestation of urban-centric power theories The transformation of JAC: from pacifying state mechanism

5min
pages 174-175

The AUC’s structural connection to coca

4min
pages 161-162

US links to Colombia’s narcotic political economy and paramilitarism

7min
pages 158-160

The role and relation of the coca industry to the paramilitary and guerrillas

9min
pages 154-157

violations against non-combatants in Colombia

8min
pages 150-153

Colombian fascism in action

4min
pages 148-149

1980s

4min
pages 146-147

narcobourgeoisie, and the AUC

4min
pages 144-145

The AUC: An appendage of Colombian fascism The historic interconnections between land, the

4min
pages 142-143

The MAS/ACCU partnership and the manifestation of fascism via the AUC

2min
page 141

The MAS/ACDEGAM’s formation of MORENA

4min
pages 139-140

The reactionary formation of the MAS and ACDEGAM

4min
pages 137-138

Colombian economy

6min
pages 103-105

The Castaño connection

4min
pages 135-136

4.4 Incremental leaps in inequitable income distribution

4min
pages 101-102

Colombia in 1960

14min
pages 89-94

Colombia

4min
pages 95-96

percentages

2min
page 99

state power and revolutionary social change

3min
pages 78-79

4.2 A quarter-century of Colombian Gini coefficients

4min
pages 97-98

The potential for dual power in Colombia

2min
page 77

Colombia

11min
pages 72-76

The FARC-EP as a unique Marxist social movement

16min
pages 59-66

Becoming the people’s army: The evolution of the FARC(-EP

4min
pages 42-43

1 Class-based taxation model employed by the FARC-EP 101

2min
page 22

2.4 The FARC-EP’s interlinking support and solidarity structure

13min
pages 53-58

geography

2min
pages 35-36

with a conventional armed forces structure

4min
pages 45-46

extension, late 1950s to mid-1960s

15min
pages 26-32

1 Varying approaches toward (and outcomes from) the taking of

2min
page 20

An evaluation of civilian support for the FARC-EP

14min
pages 47-52
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