REVOLUTIONARY SOCIAL CHANGE IN COLOMBIA - FARC

Page 220

THE FARC-EP’S RELATION TO SOCIAL CHANGE

203

teachings of Christ, then why would the guerrillas not be made up of many Catholics?” What I mean is, just because one joins the FARC or that those involved are communists does not mean that they abandon their faith. On the contrary, some are members as a result of their faith .… I remember one instance when we were asked to baptize children and new-born babies in one town, which included FARC members located throughout the region. I had met, or more accurately crossed paths, with members of the guerrillas many times, but this was my first time seeing how large and faith-filled many who belonged to the guerrillas were. While I know some no longer follow the church in their beliefs, it was astounding to see the loyalty, solidarity, and love that they all bestowed for their fellow comrades in attending the holy sacrament. The church where we held the baptisms was bursting at the seams with literally hundreds of townspeoples and guerrillas, side by side, having their children brought into the church. That day will always remain with me as a true statement of the unity that exists between many civilians and the insurgency, and the hope that the FARC are doing what they are doing for the right reasons. When asked to expand on the above, the former would-be priest quietly looked out into the countryside and peacefully said, The teachings of Christ and the Apostles are interpreted in various ways, which greatly depend on what part of the world one comes from. In the North, many see the Church as teaching tolerance, acceptance, and to carry the burdens of life in the image of Christ so as to benefit in the life thereafter. This was an important way of teaching Christ, especially considering the development of capitalism in that part of the world, the trade of African slaves, and the treatment of blacks during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries in the United States. This interpretation creates a relationship that is individualistic. In the South, especially in Central and South America, many people have internalized the Church not as an institution but as a relationship with others. The Church is not a building per se but our brothers and sisters, our neighbors and friends, the people that surround our lives. If we are to live like Christ, if we are to be true Christians, than it is our community that must come first, it is the person who has the least amongst us that is important, and as long as they suffer, so do we all. When we look at Christ, he was constantly battling the authorities and was always with the most impoverished. I am not saying that I condone all their actions, but this is important to understand. Some revolutionaries see this as being their struggle, a struggle to work with and fight for the most repressed peoples as Father Camilo46 did. HOW THE FARC-EP HAS AFFECTED POLITICS We cannot think of the revolutionary struggle in Colombia as existing inside a political system that abides by conventional democratic forms (Goodwin, 2003:


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Articles inside

Bibliography

1hr
pages 298-346

Index

19min
pages 347-353

Notes

2hr
pages 253-297

Between a rock and a hard place: the realities of contemporary global capitalism

8min
pages 249-252

A stick with no carrot: supporting revolutionary alliances

2min
page 248

A potential for collapse

14min
pages 242-247

The FARC-EP’s aptitude to take state power: The DIA bombshell

9min
pages 238-241

elections, 1970–86 (UP–1986

25min
pages 226-236

7.1 The percentage of women in the FARC-EP since 1964

18min
pages 212-219

7.3 MBNC (PCCC) model of political organization

1min
page 237

in selected Latin American countries

7min
pages 223-225

How the FARC-EP has affected politics

7min
pages 220-222

How the FARC-EP has affected culture

17min
pages 205-211

The media’s structural silencing of Colombia’s revolution

11min
pages 186-190

since 1958

4min
pages 184-185

JACs and political pacification

13min
pages 178-183

to revolutionary community-based institution

4min
pages 176-177

The FARC-EP’s contestation of urban-centric power theories The transformation of JAC: from pacifying state mechanism

5min
pages 174-175

The AUC’s structural connection to coca

4min
pages 161-162

US links to Colombia’s narcotic political economy and paramilitarism

7min
pages 158-160

The role and relation of the coca industry to the paramilitary and guerrillas

9min
pages 154-157

violations against non-combatants in Colombia

8min
pages 150-153

Colombian fascism in action

4min
pages 148-149

1980s

4min
pages 146-147

narcobourgeoisie, and the AUC

4min
pages 144-145

The AUC: An appendage of Colombian fascism The historic interconnections between land, the

4min
pages 142-143

The MAS/ACCU partnership and the manifestation of fascism via the AUC

2min
page 141

The MAS/ACDEGAM’s formation of MORENA

4min
pages 139-140

The reactionary formation of the MAS and ACDEGAM

4min
pages 137-138

Colombian economy

6min
pages 103-105

The Castaño connection

4min
pages 135-136

4.4 Incremental leaps in inequitable income distribution

4min
pages 101-102

Colombia in 1960

14min
pages 89-94

Colombia

4min
pages 95-96

percentages

2min
page 99

state power and revolutionary social change

3min
pages 78-79

4.2 A quarter-century of Colombian Gini coefficients

4min
pages 97-98

The potential for dual power in Colombia

2min
page 77

Colombia

11min
pages 72-76

The FARC-EP as a unique Marxist social movement

16min
pages 59-66

Becoming the people’s army: The evolution of the FARC(-EP

4min
pages 42-43

1 Class-based taxation model employed by the FARC-EP 101

2min
page 22

2.4 The FARC-EP’s interlinking support and solidarity structure

13min
pages 53-58

geography

2min
pages 35-36

with a conventional armed forces structure

4min
pages 45-46

extension, late 1950s to mid-1960s

15min
pages 26-32

1 Varying approaches toward (and outcomes from) the taking of

2min
page 20

An evaluation of civilian support for the FARC-EP

14min
pages 47-52
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