REVOLUTIONARY SOCIAL CHANGE IN COLOMBIA - FARC

Page 95

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REVOLUTIONARY SOCIAL CHANGE IN COLOMBIA

needs a true democratic structure that represents the interests and needs of its people, the current problem is not the state itself but the laws that are made and the persons who have made them; laws made to benefit a select few .… The state vocalizes or expresses that it is in the community and that it is actively working for, providing education, health care, development and progress for the people, but in reality, if you look in our and other communities [laughingly scoffs], anyone can see that the government does nothing for our people. Social services [scoffs again], social services have never been offered in our community. The state is non-existent in providing any social services to the vast majority of people in our department. The only service [holds up his fingers to symbolize quotation marks] that the Uribe government provides to our community is repression and violence through the state’s battalions and the paramilitary. The only service provided is that which keeps the current rulers in power. Again, some may come to the defense of the Colombian state and capitalists by arguing that inequality, malnourishment, or poverty are not related to issues of class exploitation and land monopolization, but are rather consequences of Colombia being a developing nation, which has an insufficient volume of accessible domestic or regional natural recourses to sustain the rural population effectively. This has, however, been countered by those who have taken the time to research this issue. It has been shown that the conditions are a direct result of the concentration of landholdings by the dominant class, as peasants are unable to access goods that can materially sustain their existence. There is no lack of resources but rather an increase in centralized ownership (Deere and León de Leal, 1982). At present, Colombia finds itself in an inequitable political economy, the throngs of civil war, and a ruling class that subscribes to a development model of neoliberal economics – as supported by the United States. Within such an environment there remains a small group of very wealthy landowners and capitalists who, as illustrated through Law 135, have the ability to directly influence governmental policy and economic conditions. This chapter therefore moves to an analysis that examines how, in many ways, the past looks very much like the present. The difference, however, is that unlike the poor conditions of earlier decades, today rural populations have responded to inequity through unconventional methods. AN INTRODUCTION TO THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF COCA IN RURAL COLOMBIA For over a century, the country of Colombia has been described as an incredibly wealthy country due to its numerous natural resources and impressive commodity-based export potential (Beals, 1974: 115; Currie, 1950). Recognized as one of the world’s few “mega-diverse” countries, Colombia has global ecological relevance due to its significant variety of plants, flora, and fauna. It


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Articles inside

Bibliography

1hr
pages 298-346

Index

19min
pages 347-353

Notes

2hr
pages 253-297

Between a rock and a hard place: the realities of contemporary global capitalism

8min
pages 249-252

A stick with no carrot: supporting revolutionary alliances

2min
page 248

A potential for collapse

14min
pages 242-247

The FARC-EP’s aptitude to take state power: The DIA bombshell

9min
pages 238-241

elections, 1970–86 (UP–1986

25min
pages 226-236

7.1 The percentage of women in the FARC-EP since 1964

18min
pages 212-219

7.3 MBNC (PCCC) model of political organization

1min
page 237

in selected Latin American countries

7min
pages 223-225

How the FARC-EP has affected politics

7min
pages 220-222

How the FARC-EP has affected culture

17min
pages 205-211

The media’s structural silencing of Colombia’s revolution

11min
pages 186-190

since 1958

4min
pages 184-185

JACs and political pacification

13min
pages 178-183

to revolutionary community-based institution

4min
pages 176-177

The FARC-EP’s contestation of urban-centric power theories The transformation of JAC: from pacifying state mechanism

5min
pages 174-175

The AUC’s structural connection to coca

4min
pages 161-162

US links to Colombia’s narcotic political economy and paramilitarism

7min
pages 158-160

The role and relation of the coca industry to the paramilitary and guerrillas

9min
pages 154-157

violations against non-combatants in Colombia

8min
pages 150-153

Colombian fascism in action

4min
pages 148-149

1980s

4min
pages 146-147

narcobourgeoisie, and the AUC

4min
pages 144-145

The AUC: An appendage of Colombian fascism The historic interconnections between land, the

4min
pages 142-143

The MAS/ACCU partnership and the manifestation of fascism via the AUC

2min
page 141

The MAS/ACDEGAM’s formation of MORENA

4min
pages 139-140

The reactionary formation of the MAS and ACDEGAM

4min
pages 137-138

Colombian economy

6min
pages 103-105

The Castaño connection

4min
pages 135-136

4.4 Incremental leaps in inequitable income distribution

4min
pages 101-102

Colombia in 1960

14min
pages 89-94

Colombia

4min
pages 95-96

percentages

2min
page 99

state power and revolutionary social change

3min
pages 78-79

4.2 A quarter-century of Colombian Gini coefficients

4min
pages 97-98

The potential for dual power in Colombia

2min
page 77

Colombia

11min
pages 72-76

The FARC-EP as a unique Marxist social movement

16min
pages 59-66

Becoming the people’s army: The evolution of the FARC(-EP

4min
pages 42-43

1 Class-based taxation model employed by the FARC-EP 101

2min
page 22

2.4 The FARC-EP’s interlinking support and solidarity structure

13min
pages 53-58

geography

2min
pages 35-36

with a conventional armed forces structure

4min
pages 45-46

extension, late 1950s to mid-1960s

15min
pages 26-32

1 Varying approaches toward (and outcomes from) the taking of

2min
page 20

An evaluation of civilian support for the FARC-EP

14min
pages 47-52
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